O, gentlemen, the time of life is short!… And if we live, we live to tread on kings.
——Shakespeare, Henry IV, Part I
噢, 先生们, 生命苦短! ……如果我们活着, 我们将一直活着走向上帝。
——莎士比亚, 《亨利五世》第四幕
125. Man, “the negative being who is only to the extent that he suppresses Being,” is identical to time. Man’s appropriation of his own nature is at the same time his grasp of the unfolding of the universe. “History is itself a real part of natural history, of the transformation of nature into man” (Marx). Inversely, this “natural history” has no actual existence other than through the process of human history, the only part which recaptures this historical totality, like the modern telescope whose sight captures, in time, the retreat of nebulae at the periphery of the universe. History has always existed, but not always in a historical form. The temporalization of man as effected through the mediation of a society is equivalent to a humanization of time. The unconscious movement of time manifests itself and becomes true within historical consciousness.
人与时间一样, “就其废止存在的方面而言, 他是唯一的否定性的存在”。人对自己本质的占有同时也是他对宇宙演变的一种把握。”历史是自然史自身的现实部分, 自然界的变化产生了人类” (马克思) 。相反, 除了通过人类历史的进程, 这种”自然史”就不会有真实的存在, 像现代望远镜及时捕获到宇宙外围的星云收缩一样, 正是自然的这一部分夺回了这种历史总体性。历史总是已经存在着, 但并不总是以历史的形式。作为一种结果, 通过社会的媒介, 人类的暂时化是等值于时间的人类化的。在历史意识之内时间的无意识运动变得显明而真实。
126. Properly historical movement, although still hidden, begins in the slow and intangible formation of the “real nature of man,” this “nature born within human history–within the generating action of human society,” but even though that society developed a technology and a language and is already a product of its own history, it is conscious only of a perpetual present. There, all knowledge, confined within the memory of the oldest, is always carried by the living. Neither death nor procreation is grasped as a law of time. Time remains immobile, like an enclosed space. A more complex society which finally becomes conscious of time devotes itself to negating it because it sees in time not what passes, but only what returns. A static society organizes time in terms of its immediate experience of nature, on the model of cyclical time.
真实的历史运动(尽管仍然是隐藏着的)首先是”人的真实本性”的缓慢的、极其细微的发展——这一”人类的本性产生于人类历史——产生于人类社会的发生活动”。但即使社会已发展出技术和语言, 它仍然是它自身历史的产物, 这个社会只知道永久性的现存。在那里, 知识只是通过生活被传递, 并且从没有超出过这一社会最年长的人的记亿。既不是死亡也不是生殖被理解为时间的法则。时间保持稳定, 像一个被封闭来的空间。当一个更复杂的社会最终形成了时间的意识, 它却努力去否定这一时间意识——它不是把时间视为什么东西的流失, 而是把时间视为什么东西的返回。在循环时间(temps cyclique)的模式中, 一个静态的社会(société statique)是按照它自己的自然的直接体验来组织时间的。
127. Cyclical time already dominates the experience of nomadic populations because they find the same conditions repeated at every moment of their journey: Hegel notes that “the wandering of nomads is only formal because it is limited to uniform spaces.” The society which, by fixing itself in place locally, gives space a content by arranging individualized places, thus finds itself enclosed inside this localization. The temporal return to similar places now becomes the pure return of time in the same place, the repetition of a series of gestures. The transition from pastoral nomadism to sedentary agriculture is the end of the lazy liberty without content, the beginning of labor. The agrarian mode of production in general, dominated by the rhythm of the seasons, is the basis for fully constituted cyclical time. Eternity is internal to it; it is the return of the same here on earth. Myth is the unitary construction of the thought which guarantees the entire cosmic order surrounding the order which this society has in fact already realized within its frontiers.
循环时间已经统治着游牧人口的体验, 因为他们发现在他们旅程的每一个时刻都是同一情况的再三重复。黑格尔写道: “因为他们局限于始终如一的空间, 游牧部落的漫游只不过是一种形式。”当一个社会定居于一个特定的地点, 并通过在它内部开发与众不同的区域占有了富有内容的空间, 它才发现自己被封闭于这种地方化中。暂时返回同样的地方, 现在变成了在同一地点的时间的纯粹返回, 一系列姿态的重复。从游牧生活的牧歌向定居农耕的过渡, 是没有内容的懒散自由的结束和劳动的开始。一般而言, 由四季节奏支配的农业生产方式是构成充分循环时间的基础, 不朽与来生内在于此, 它是人们今世重返之处。神话是保证整个宇宙秩序的思想的一元建构, 这一秩序与社会在其内部疆界已经建立的秩序, 事实上是一致的。
128. The social appropriation of time, the production of man by human labor, develops within a society divided into classes. The power which constituted itself above the penury of the society of cyclical time, the class which organizes the social labor and appropriates the limited surplus value, simultaneously appropriates the temporal surplus value of its organization of social time: it possesses for itself alone the irreversible time of the living. The wealth that can be concentrated in the realm of power and materially used up in sumptuous feasts is also used up as a squandering of historical time at the surface of society. The owners of historical surplus value possess the knowledge and the enjoyment of lived events. Separated from the collective organization of time which predominates with the repetitive production at the base of social life, this time flows above its own static community. This is the time of adventure and war, when the masters of the cyclical society travel through their personal histories, and it is also the time which appears in confrontations with foreign communities, in the derangement of the unchangeable order of the society. History then passes before men as an alien factor, as that which they never wanted and against which they thought themselves protected. But by way of this detour returns the human negative anxiety which had been at the very origin of the entire development that had fallen asleep.
通过人类劳动的发展形成的人类对产品和时间的社会占有, 导致社会分成不同的阶级。将自己建立在循环时间社会的贫困之上的权力, 组织社会劳动、占有有限剩余价值的阶级, 同时擅自窃用了其社会时间组织的时间剩余价值: 它独自占有了生活的不可逆时间(temps irréversible)。只能集中在统治者手中并在奢侈盛宴上消耗的物质性财富, 同样作为在社会表面的历史时间的浪费被耗尽。历史剩余价值的拥有者也是直接经历重大事件的知识和享乐的主人。与时间的集体组织相分离, 又与在社会生活的基础上的重复性生产相联系的历史时间, 在它自己的静态共同体之上独自川流不息。这是战争和冒险时间, 在其中循环社会的主人追求他们自己的历史; 它同时也显现为与外来共同体冲突的时间, 这一外来共同体动摇了永恒不变的社会秩序。因此, 历史作为一种异在于人们的东西产生了, 作为他们从不寻求、从不反对的, 他们认为自己应被保护的东西发生了。但历史也正是在这一整体发展(暂时沉睡)的真正起源上, 使永不安宁的否定性的人类苏醒。
129. Cyclical time in itself is time without conflict. But conflict is installed within this infancy of time: history first struggles to be history in the practical activity of masters. This history superficially creates the irreversible; its movement constitutes precisely the time it uses up within the interior of the inexhaustible time of cyclical society.
循环时间本质上是没有冲突的时间。但冲突在这一时间的萌芽期已经存在: 因为为了形成历史, 历史的第一次斗争就在统治者的实践活动中。这一历史创造了表面上的不可逆性; 在循环社会无穷无尽的时间内部, 历史的运动构成了它所用完了的真实时间。
130. “Frozen societies” are those which slowed down their historical activity to the limit and maintained in constant equilibrium their opposition to the natural and human environment as well as their internal oppositions. If the extreme diversity of institutions established for this purpose demonstrates the flexibility of the self-creation of human nature, this demonstration becomes obvious only for the external observer, for the anthropologist who returns from historical time. In each of these societies a definitive structuring excluded change. Absolute conformism in existing social practices. with which all human possibilities are identified for all time, has no external limit other than the fear of falling back into formless animality. Here, in order to remain human, men must remain the same.
“静态的社会”是那些使他们的历史运动减至最小, 又在不变的平衡中设法保将他们与自然和人类环境的内在和外在冲突的社会。如果为了雄辩的证明人类天性具有自我创造的弹性, 最大多样性的各种制度建立起来, 那么这一多样性很明显只是对于外部观察者, 对于占据历史时间优势善于向后看的人类学家而言的。在任何一个这样的社会, 决定性的组织结构取消了任何变化的可能。他们社会实践的绝对因循守旧, 与人类的全部可能性是永远同一的。除了担心退回原始的动物状态, 将社会实践的因循守旧认同为人类的全部可能性不存在客观限制。在这一社会, 人为了保持为人, 人必须保持同一。
131. The birth of political power which seems to be related to the last great technological revolutions (like iron smelting), at the threshold of a period which would not experience profound shocks until the appearance of industry, also marks the moment when kinship ties begin to dissolve. From then on, the succession of generations leaves the sphere of pure cyclical nature in order to become an event-oriented succession of powers. Irreversible time is now the time of those who rule, and dynasties are its first measure. Writing is its weapon. In writing, language attains its complete independent reality as mediation between consciousnesses. But this independence is identical to the general independence of separate power as the mediation which constitutes society. With writing there appears a consciousness which is no longer carried and transmitted directly among the living: an impersonal memory, the memory of the administration of society. “Writings are the thoughts of the State; archives are its memory” (Novalis).
政治权力的产生似乎与最近的伟大科学技术革命相联系(像铁的熔炼), 直到工业的出现, 政治权力产生初期没有经历很深刻的震荡, 其标志性时刻是血缘关系的开始解体。自那时起, 为了变成能力和事件导向的具有连续性能力的人, 一代又一代人离开了纯粹自然循环的圈子。不可逆时间现在已是统治人们的时间, 朝代是其第一个度量嚣, 写作是统治者的武器。在写作中, 语言作为意识之间的媒介获得了其独立的实在, 但是像构成社会的媒介的一样, 这一独立是分离权力的普遍独立。伴随写作, 在生活中产生了一种意识, 一种不再直接传送、传播的意识: 非个人记忆, 社会管理的记忆。”著作是国家的思想; 档案是它的记忆。”(那威斯, Novlis)
132. The chronicle is the expression of the irreversible time of power and also the instrument that preserves the voluntaristic progression of this time from its predecessor, since this orientation of time collapses with the fall of every specific power and returns to the indifferent oblivion of cyclical time, the only time known to peasant masses who, during the collapse of empires and their chronologies, never change. The owners of history have given time a meaning: a direction which is also a significance. But this history deploys itself and succumbs separately, leaving the underlying society unchanged precisely because this history remains separated from the common reality. This is why we reduce the history of Oriental empires to the history of religions: the chronologies which have fallen to ruins left no more than the apparently autonomous history of the illusions which enveloped them. The masters who make history their private property, under the protection of myth, possess first of all a private ownership of the mode of illusion: in China and Egypt they long held a monopoly over the immortality of the soul, just as their famous early dynasties are imaginary arrangements of the past. But the masters’ possession of illusion is at that moment the only possible possession of a common history and of their own history. The growth of their real historical power goes together with a popularization of the possession of myth and illusion. All this flows from the simple fact that, to the extent that the masters took it upon themselves to guarantee the permanence of cyclical time mythically, as in the seasonal rites of Chinese emperors, they themselves achieved a relative liberation from cyclical time.
编年史是权力的不可逆时间的表达, 也是在记录它的过去的基础上保持这一时间持续进展的手段, 因为伴随着每一特殊权力的垮台和对循环时间的冷漠遗忘, 这一时间定位一定会崩溃(在全部帝国和他们纪年的兴衰荣辱期间, 这一农民大众唯一知道的循环时间从来没有变化过)。历史的占有者赋予时间以方向: 方向也是意义。但历史的自我展开和个别毁灭, 正离开没有变化的潜在社会, 因为历史保留了来自共同实在的分离。这就是为什么我们把东方帝国的历史简化为宗教历史的原因: 已经毁灭的年表, 显然只剩下包裹着他们幻想的独立的历史。将历史变成他们自己犯有财产的统治者, 在神话的保护下, 首先独占了幻想模式的私人所有权: 如, 在中国和埃及他们长期垄断了灵魂不朽的专利: 他们早期普遍认可的王朝不过是对历史的想象重建。但是统治者对幻想的占有, 在那时也是对他们自身的历史和共同历史的唯一的可能性占有。随着他们真实历史权力的成长, 这一幻想和神话的所有权日益普及和庸俗化。所有这些结果都来自于一个简单事实: 像中国皇帝在季节性祭典仪式所做的那样, 统治者非常神秘地起到了保证循环时间永久不变的作用, 同时, 他们自身也这到了从循环时间中的相对解放。
133. The dry unexplained chronology of divine power speaking to its servants, which wants to be understood only as the earthly execution of the commandments of myth, can be surmounted and become conscious history; this requires that real participation in history be lived by extended groups. Out of this practical communication among those who recognized each other as possessors of a singular present, who experienced the qualitative richness of events as their activity and as the place where they lived–their epoch–arises the general language of historical communication. Those for whom irreversible time has existed discover within it the memorable as well as the menace of forgetting: “Herodotus of Halicarnassus here presents the results of his study, so that time may not abolish the works of men…”
乏味的、令人莫名其妙的神化权威的年表提供了它的主题, 它要求将自己作为神话戒律的世俗完成来理解, 它一定会超越意识的历史并变成意识的历史。但关于一点非常碰巧的是, 它要求有颇为壮观的人民大众真实参与历史的经历。来自于作为被此认可的唯一在场的占有者的人们之间的实践交往, 作为经历了他们自己的活动、他们自己的居住地、他们自己的时代的事件的质的丰富性的人们之间的实践交往, 激发了一种历史交往的普遍语言。那些已存在的不可逆时间, 在它内部不仅发现了值得纪念的事物, 而且也发现了遗忘的威胁: “哈里卡那苏斯的希罗多德曾提出其研究结果, 时间不能废除人类伟大的功绩……”
134. Reasoning about history is inseparably reasoning about power. Greece was the moment when power and its change were discussed and understood, the democracy of the masters of society. Greek conditions were the inverse of the conditions known to the despotic State, where power settles its accounts only with itself within the inaccessible obscurity of its densest point: through palace revolution, which is placed beyond the pale of discussion by success or failure alike. However, the power shared among the Greek communities existed only with the expenditure of a social life whose production remained separate and static within the servile class. Only those who do not work live. In the division among the Greek communities, and in the struggle to exploit foreign cities, the principle of separation which internally grounded each of them was externalized. Greece, which had dreamed of universal history, did not succeed in unifying itself in the face of invasion–or even in unifying the calendars of its independent cities. In Greece historical time became conscious, but not yet conscious of itself.
审查历史就等于审查权力的本质。希腊正是这样一个时刻, 权力及其权力的变革必须被讨论和理解。它是社会统治者的民主——与专制国家形成全面的对照, 在那里, 权力只是在难以渗透的阴暗不明的密室借助于宫廷政变为自身进行的一种复仇, 无论这一宫廷政变成败与否, 它永远都在讨论范围之外。然而, 希腊共同体中共享的权力只是局限于社会生活的消费, 而其生产则以个别的和静态的方式保留在奴隶阶级内部。享受生活的人们只是那些不劳动的人。希腊共同体中的分裂和他们剥削外国城市的斗争, 是建立于每个人的内在分裂基础之上的分裂原则的客观化表达。梦想普遍历史的希腊, 面对外族入侵时不能成功统一自身, 甚至不能统一其历法表上有选举权的城市国家。在希腊, 历史时间变成了意识, 但它尚没有意识到自己。
135. After the disappearance of the locally favorable conditions known to the Greek communities, the regression of western historical thought was not accompanied by a rehabilitation of ancient mythic organizations. Out of the confrontations of the Mediterranean populations, out of the formation and collapse of the Roman State, appeared semi-historical religions which became fundamental factors in the new consciousness of time, and in the new armor of separate power.
支持希腊共同体的有利条件的消失, 导致了西方历史思想的衰退, 但它没有导致古老神话组织的复苏。取代地中海人口的冲突和罗马国家兴衰的是: 产生了一种半历史的宗教(religions semi-historiques), 对一种新时间意识的基本成分和分离权力来说, 这种宗教变成了一种新的盔甲。
136. The monotheistic religions were a compromise between myth and history, between cyclical time which still dominated production and irreversible time where populations clash and regroup. The religions which grew out of Judaism are abstract universal acknowledgements of irreversible time which is democratized, opened to all, but in the realm of illusion. Time is totally oriented toward a single final event: “The Kingdom of God is at hand.” These religions arose on the soil of history, and established themselves there. But there they still preserve themselves in radical opposition to history. Semi-historical religion establishes a qualitative point of departure in time (the birth of Christ, the flight of Mohammed), but its irreversible time–introducing real accumulation which in Islam can take the form of a conquest, or in Reformation Christianity the form of increased capital is actually inverted in religious thought and becomes a countdown: the hope of access to the genuine other world before time runs out, the expectation of the last Judgment. Eternity came out of cyclical time and is beyond it. Eternity is the element which holds back the irreversibility of time, suppressing history within history itself by placing itself on the other side of irreversible time as a pure punctual element to which cyclical time returned and abolished itself. Bossuet will still say: “And by means of the time that passes we enter into the eternity which does not pass.”
一神论宗教是神话和历史之间的一种妥协, 是支配生产的循环时间和人口重组、地区冲突的不可逆时间之间的一种妥协。出自犹太教的宗教更是不可逆时间的抽象普遍确认, 这一不可逆时间是民主化的, 并向一切开放, 但只是在幻想的王国。时间完全地导向一种最后的事件: “上帝的天国即将到来。”这些宗教产生于历史的土壤, 但他们仍然以激进的方式反对历史。半历史的宗教及时确定了一个质的出发点(耶稣诞生, 穆罕默德升天), 但他们的不可逆时间——引起了真实积聚, 这种积聚在伊斯兰教采取一种征服的形式, 在基督教改革中采取一种增加资本的形式——实际上是宗教思想内的颠倒, 并变成倒计时: 在最后审判和另一个真实世界到来之前等待时间流逝。不朽产生自循环时间; 它也正是这一时间的超越。不朽是阻止时间不可逆性的要素, 不朽作为一种将自己返回循环时间又废除循环时间的纯粹的时间, 通过将自己置于不可逆时间的反面, 在历史自身之内取缔了历史。博苏特(Bossut)还会这样说: “依靠时间的流逝我们进入了永不消失的不朽。”
137. The Middle Ages, this incomplete mythical world whose perfection lay outside it, is the moment when cyclical time, which still regulates the greater part of production, is really chewed away by history. A certain irreversible temporality is recognized individually in everyone, in the succession of stages of life, in the consideration of life as a journey, a passage with no return through a world whose meaning lies elsewhere: the pilgrim is the man who leaves cyclical time and becomes in reality the traveller that everyone is symbolically. Personal historical life still finds its fulfillment within the sphere of power, within participation in struggles led by power and in struggles over disputed power; but the irreversible time of power is shared to infinity under the general unification of the oriented time of the Christian era, in a world of armed faith, where the game of the masters revolves around fidelity and disputes over owed fidelity. This feudal society, born out of the encounter of “the organizational structure of the conquering army as it developed during the conquest” with “the productive forces found in the conquered country” (German Ideology) and in the organization of these productive forces one must count their religious language divided the domination of society between the Church and the state power, in turn subdivided in the complex relations of suzerainty and vassalage of territorial tenures and urban communes. In this diversity of possible historical life, the irreversible time which silently carried off the underlying society, the time lived by the bourgeoisie in the production of commodities, in the foundation and expansion of cities and in the commercial discovery of the earth–practical experimentation which forever destroyed all mythical organization of the cosmos–slowly revealed itself as the unknown work of this epoch when the great official historical undertaking of this world collapsed with the Crusades.
尽管循环时间仍然控制这绝大部分的生产, 但这一将人的十全十美置于不完善的神话世界之外的中世纪, 是一个开始真正被历史所暗中削弱的时期。一种不可逆时间的要素在每一个个体生活的相继阶段被认可, 尽管世界的意义在别处, 但生活已被视为一次单程旅行: 就每个人的象征意义而言, 朝圣者就是离开循环时间并变成真实旅行者的人。个人的历史生活仍然在权力领域内找到了它的满足——或者是在权力引起的斗争中, 或者是在超越争议权力的斗争中; 但权力的不可逆间, 在基督纪元导向时间确保的、普遍统一的环境中被无穷共享, 这是一个武装了信仰的世界, 在那里统治者的活动围绕着忠诚和谁对谁忠诚的辩论而旋转。封建社会产生于一种融合——”在占领期间迅速发展着的占领军的组织结构”与”被征服国家己建立起来的生产力”之间的融合(《德意志意识形态》), 及对这些生产力的发展做出贡献的因素, 这包括他们所表达的宗教语言。社会统治在教堂和国家权力之间分割, 在乡村地区和城市公社之间分割, 而后者的权力依次要进一步在极其复杂的封建宗主权和诸侯大臣之间的关系中进行细分。在这可能的历史生活的多样性中, 不可逆时间获得了基础社会, 这一时间以资产阶级为生, 以在商品生产, 城市建立和扩张, 地球上的商业大发现——永远毁灭所有宇宙神话组织的实际的实验的资产阶级为生, 当这个世界崇高的、正式的、历史的承诺随着十字军垮台而崩溃时, 资产阶级阶级慢慢显示自己做出的这一新纪元的无名业绩。
138. During the decline of the Middle Ages, the irreversible time which invades society is experienced by the consciousness attached to the ancient order in the form of an obsession with death. This is the melancholy of the demise of a world, the last world where the security of myth still counterpoised history, and for this melancholy everything worldly moves only toward corruption. The great revolts of the European peasants are also their attempt to respond to history–which was violently wrenching the peasants out of the patriarchal sleep that had guaranteed their feudal tutelage. This millenarian utopia of achieving heaven on earth revives what was at the origin of semi-historical religion, when Christian communities which grew out of Judaic messianism responded to the troubles and unhappiness of the epoch by looking to the imminent realization of the Kingdom of God and brought a disquieting and subversive factor into ancient society. When Christianity reached the point of sharing power within the empire, it exposed what still survived of this hope as a simple superstition: that is the meaning of the Augustinian affirmation, archetype of all the satisfecit of modern ideology, according to which the established Church has already for a long time been this kingdom one spoke of. The social revolt of the millenarian peasantry defines itself naturally first of all as a will to destroy the Church. But millenarianism spreads in the historical world, and not on the terrain of myth. Modern revolutionary expectations are not irrational continuations of the religious passion of millenarianism, as Norman Cohn thought he had demonstrated in The Pursuit of the Millennium. On the contrary, it is millenarianism, revolutionary class struggle speaking the language of religion for the last time, which is already a modern revolutionary tendency that as yet lacks the consciousness that it is only historical. The millenarians had to lose because they could not recognize the revolution as their own operation. The fact that they waited to act on the basis of an external sign of God’s decision is the translation into thought of the practice of insurgent peasants following chiefs taken from outside their ranks. The peasant class could not attain an adequate consciousness of the functioning of society or of the way to lead its own struggle: because it lacked these conditions of unity in its action and consciousness, it expressed its project and led its wars with the imagery of an earthly paradise.
在中世纪衰落期间, 侵入社会的不可逆时间以对死亡着魔的方式, 被体验为与古老秩序相联的意识。这是一个世界的死亡之忧郁(症), 由神话保障的这一最后世界仍然与历史相抗衡, 并且因为这种忧郁(症), 世间的一切事情都不可避免地通向腐化堕落。伟大的欧洲农民起义也是对历史做出的反应的一种尝试——这是极端困苦的农民从保障他们的封建监护权家长之沉睡中挣脱的历史。当产生于犹太教弥塞亚信仰的基督教团体, 通过期望即将来临的上帝王国的实现响应新纪元的苦难和不幸, 并将这一忧虑与毁灭因素带进古代社会时, 这一彻底走进世俗天堂的千年乌托邦, 就从根源上复活了半历史宗教的梦想, 当基督教在帝国内部获得了与统治阶级的共享权力时, 它就公开抨击这一纯粹迷信幻想的残存物。这正是圣奥古斯丁声明的意义——所有现代意识形态的原型, 他宣称上帝之国实际上很长时间以来已经来临——它不过就是已建立的教会。通过将他们的目标定义为推翻教会, 千年来的小农阶级的社会反抗早已开始。但千年至福说像诺曼库恩在《太平盛世之寻求》所思考的那样, 不是在神话领域而是在历史世界中不断伸展。现代革命的期望不是非理性的千年至福式的宗教热情的继续, 正相反, 最后一次说着宗教语言的革命阶级的斗争就是千年至福说, 它已是现代革命的趋势, 但至今仍缺乏纯粹历史运动的意识。这种千年至福说注定会失败, 因为他们不能承认他们的革命是他们自己的事业。他们在上帝决定的一种外在标志的基础上的行动这一事实, 对于其大批领导者来自于他们等级之外的农民起义的实践来说, 是一种意识形态的必然结果。农民阶级不可能这到对社会的运行和如何领导他们的斗争行为的一种清晰的理解, 因为它缺乏联合这些行动和意识的条件, 它表达自己的方案、引导自己的战争仅用一种世俗天堂的意象。
139. The new possession of historical life, the Renaissance, which finds its past and its legitimacy in Antiquity, carries with it a joyous rupture with eternity. Its irreversible time is that of the infinite accumulation of knowledge, and the historical consciousness which grows out of the experience of democratic communities and of the forces which ruin them will take up, with Machiavelli, the analysis of desanctified power, saying the unspeakable about the State. In the exuberant life of the Italian cities, in the art of the festival, life is experienced as enjoyment of the passage of time. But this enjoyment of passage is itself a passing enjoyment. The song of Lorenzo di Medici considered by Burckhardt to be the expression of “the very spirit of the Renaissance” is the eulogy which this fragile feast of history pronounces on itself: “How beautiful the spring of life which vanishes so quickly.”
文艺复兴运动是一场欢乐的与来世和不朽决裂的运动, 尽管它从古代社会寻求传统和合法性, 但它代表了历史生活的一种新形式。它的不可逆时间是知识的无穷积聚, 是由民主共同体经历所造成的历史意识。是一直在毁灭着他们的力量。至于马基雅维里, 他分析了世俗化的权力, 关于国家发表许多惊世骇俗的话。在意大利城市的奢华生活与欢宴艺术中, 生活是享受时间推移的体验。但这一短暂的享乐, 其本身也是瞬时的。洛伦左和梅第奇的歌被伯克哈特认为是表达”文艺复兴运动真正精神”的颂词, 这一短暂历史盛宴自我宣告的颂词是:”生活之泉是如此美好，但转瞬即逝。”
140. The constant movement of monopolization of historical life by the State of the absolute monarchy, transitional form toward complete domination by the bourgeois class, brings into clear view the new irreversible time of the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie is attached to labor time, which is liberated for the first time from the cyclical. With the bourgeoisie, work becomes labor which transforms historical conditions. The bourgeoisie is the first ruling class for which labor is a value. And the bourgeoisie which suppresses all privilege, which recognizes no value that does not flow from the exploitation of labor, has justly identified with labor its own value as a dominant class, and has made the progress of labor its own progress. The class which accumulates commodities and capital continually modifies nature by modifying labor itself, by unleashing its productivity. All social life has already been concentrated within the ornamental poverty of the Court, the tinsel of the cold state administration which culminates in “the vocation of king”; and all particular historical liberty has had to consent to its defeat. The liberty of the irreversible temporal game of the nobles is consumed in their last lost battles, the wars of the Fronde and the rising of the Scotch for Charles-Edward. The world’s foundation has changed.
由专制君主政体国家垄断的历史生活的持续的运动, 作为由资产阶级完全支配的过渡形式, 产生了资产阶级新不可逆时间的清晰观点。资产阶级依恋第一次将它从循环时间中解放出来的劳动时间。对资产阶级来说, 工作变成了改变历史环境的劳动。资产阶级是第一个统治阶级, 因为劳动就是价值。取缔所有特权, 承认没有价值不是来自于劳动的剥削的资产阶级, 作为一个统治阶级恰当地将自身的价值认同为劳动, 并且它使劳动的进步成为衡量自己迸步的尺度。这个不停地积聚商品和资本的阶级, 通过变更劳动自身, 释放劳动的生产力, 也变更了自然。在专制君主政体阶段, 全部社会生活已经被浓缩在宫廷内部的装饰性贫乏之中, 冷冰冰政府管理的华而不实的虚饰, 在”天职”中这到顶点; 所有将殊的历史性自由不得不向这一新的力量投降。不可逆时间的封建贵族的自由游戏, 在为了查尔斯·爱德华的苏格兰起义和弗罗德战争这最后失败的战役中终结了。世界的基础改变了。
141. The victory of the bourgeoisie is the victory of profoundly historical time, because this is the time of economic production which transforms society, continuously and from top to bottom. So long as agrarian production remains the central activity, the cyclical time which remains at the base of society nourishes the coalesced forces of tradition which fetter all movement. But the irreversible time of the bourgeois economy eradicates these vestiges on every corner of the globe. History, which until then had seemed to be only the movement of individuals of the ruling class, and thus was written as the history of events, is now understood as the general movement, and in this relentless movement individuals are sacrificed. This history which discovers its foundation in political economy now knows of the existence of what had been its unconscious, but this still cannot be brought to light and remains unconscious. This blind prehistory, a new fatality dominated by no one, is all that the commodity economy democratized.
资产阶级的胜利也是一种深刻地历史时间的胜利, 因为它是不停地彻底变革社会的经济生产的时间。只要农业生产仍然保持劳动的主导形式, 那么保持一定社会基础的循环时间就会强化传统的结合力量, 而这一传统总是阻止任何历史运动。但是资产阶级的不可逆时间已于地球上的每一个角落根除了这些遗迹。历史, 直到那时似乎只包括统治阶级的个体成员的运动, 因此总是作为纯粹事件的历史被记录, 然而现在它开始被理解为一种普遍运动——但这一无情的运动在其前进的道路上却碾碎了个体。通过发现它的基础在政治经济学, 历史开始意识到它以前没有意识到的东西; 但是这一基础仍然保持无意识, 因为它不可能被暴露。这一黑暗的史前史, 这一没有任何人可以控制的命运, 只是一件事: 商品经济的民主化。
142. The history which is present in all the depths of society tends to be lost at the surface. The triumph of irreversible time is also its metamorphosis into the time of things, because the weapon of its victory was precisely the mass production of objects according to the laws of the commodity. The main product which economic development has transferred from luxurious scarcity to daily consumption is therefore history, but only in the form of the history of the abstract movement of things which dominates all qualitative use of life. While the earlier cyclical time had supported a growing part of historical time lived by individuals and groups, the domination of the irreversible time of production tends, socially, to eliminate this lived time.
深藏于社会深处的历史总想变得在表面上也是不可见的。不可逆时间的胜利也是深入物的时间内部的它的变形, 因为导致它胜利的武器与商品的法则相一致, 正好是物的大规模生产。经济发展的主要产品从稀有奢侈品转移到日常消费就是所谓历史, 但它只是统治了生活所有质的方面的物的抽象运动的历史形式。然而初期的循环时间支持那种依个体和群体为生的不断增长的历史时间, 生产的不可逆时间倾向于在全社会消灭这一有生命的时间。
143. Thus the bourgeoisie made known to society and imposed on it an irreversible historical time, but kept its use from society. “There was history, but there is no more,” because the class of owners of the economy, which cannot break with economic history, is directly threatened by all other irreversible use of time and must repress it. The ruling class, made up of specialists in the possession of things who are themselves therefore a possession of things, must link its fate with the preservation of this reified history, with the permanence of a new immobility within history. For the first time the worker, at the base of society, is not materially a stranger to history, because it is now the base that irreversibly moves society. In the demand to live the historical time which it makes, the proletariat finds the simple unforgettable center of its revolutionary project; and every attempt (thwarted until now) to realize this project marks a point of possible departure for new historical life.
所以, 资产阶级揭开了不可逆历史时间的面纱并将它强加于社会, 但阻止社会使用它。”一旦有历史, 便不再有其他什么”, 因为必然与经济史相联系的经济所有者阶级, 必须会压制作为对它直接威胁的任何其他人对不可逆时间的使用。由物的占有专家组成的统治阶级, 也是他们自己被物的占占有, 因此, 他们被迫将自己命运与这一物化历史的维持但联系, 与历史内部一种新的固定的持久性相联系。此时, 在这一社会基础之上的工人第一次不再本质上对历史疏远, 因为不可逆的运动产生于这一基础。通过要求生存, 无产阶级创造了历史时间, 无产阶级发现了它的革命计划的素朴的、难以忘怀的中心, 每一次实行这一计划的尝试——尽管至今都没有成功——都暗示一种新的历史生活的一个可能的出发点。
144. The irreversible time of the bourgeoisie in power at first presented itself under its own name, as an absolute origin, Year One of the Republic. But the revolutionary ideology of general freedom which had destroyed the last remnants of the mythical organization of values and the entire traditional regulation of society, already made visible the real will which it had clothed in Roman dress: the freedom of generalized commerce. The commodity society, now discovering that it needed to reconstruct the passivity which it had profoundly shaken in order to set up its own pure reign, finds that “Christianity with its cultus of abstract man … is the most fitting form of religion” (Capital). Thus the bourgeoisie establishes a compromise with this religion, a compromise which also expresses itself in the presentation of time: its own calendar abandoned, its irreversible time returns to unwind within the Christian era whose succession it continues.
刚刚执政的资产阶级不可逆时间, 首先要用自己的名字称呼并确定一个绝对的起点: 共和国元年。但是推翻以神话为基础的价值秩序的最后残余, 推翻社会机构全部传统形式的普遍自由的革命意识形态, 却不能完全掩盖披着古罗马服装的它的真实目标: 无限制的贸易自由。为了建立起自己不被挑战的统治, 商品社会发现必须重建那种已被深刻动摇了的被动性, 为了这一目的, 它发现”基督教的抽象的人崇拜……是宗教的最适合的形式”(《资本论》)。所以资产阶级建立了一种与宗教的妥协, 这一妥协反应在它的时间的展开之中: 革命的历法被抛弃, 不可逆时间重新穿上了基督教纪元期间及时扩张的紧身衣。
145. With the development of capitalism, irreversible time is unified on a world scale. Universal history becomes a reality because the entire world is gathered under the development of this time. But this history, which is everywhere simultaneously the same, is still only the refusal within history of history itself. What appears the world over as the same day is the time of economic production cut up into equal abstract fragments. Unified irreversible time is the time of the world market and, as a corollary, of the world spectacle.
随着资本主义的发展, 不可逆时间成为全球一元化的。世界历史变成了现实, 因为整个世界都处于这一时间发展之下。但这一到处同时都一样的历史, 仍然只是在历史内部对历史自身的拒绝。重复将世界显现为”同样一天又一天”的东西只不过是经济生产的时间——被粉碎成同等抽象碎片的经济生产时间。统一的不可逆的时间属于全球市场。作为其必然扩展, 也属于全球景观。
146. The irreversible time of production is first of all the measure of commodities. Therefore the time officially affirmed over the entire expanse of the globe as the general time of society refers only to the specialized interests which constitute it and is no more than a particular time.
生产的不可逆时间首先是商品的尺度。在世界范围内被认可的这一不可逆时间作为社会的一般时间, 实际上只是反映了构成它的特定利益, 因此, 它只不过是一种时间的特殊类型。
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